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On the Frontlines of the State – Shaping Policy on the Go

As a child, travelling with my family, in our pick-up truck, kind of falling apart. My father, mother and elder sister taking up all the place available on the seat. My younger brother on my mother’s lap. Me, the middle child lying at my mother’s feet on a pillow looking up at the sky. Me – observer of life. Me, – the introvert who is curious. When asked, I would give my opinion. Otherwise, I listened.

But then as now, inside me, my head is going crazy. Busy trying to understand; analyzing what is going on around me. On the streets, I notice people begging for food, for money. I’m confronted with deprivation. How are these disparities possible? As a child you think, why can’t we fix this? Brazil was not a poor country when I was growing up, so it was not like poverty was endemic, but it was very present alongside wealth and comfort. I was born after the end of the military dictatorship and grew up in a Brazil which was citizen-centered in that basic requirements, like universal health care, became everyone’s rights. So, what could explain these vast disparities in our society? I learned later that there is such a thing as ‘differentiated citizenship’  – how some people have full access to their rights, and others only enjoy them on paper, never in reality.

On the frontlines of the state

As a young researcher, I find myself visiting the homes of people along with social workers in the northeast of Brazil. The latter are frontline workers of Bolsa Familia – the federal government’s Conditional Cash Transfer programme. This means families below a certain income get cash directly into their accounts, the only conditions being that they send their children to school and pregnant women go through medical check-ups. At the policy level, it is as clear cut as this. At the implementation level, as my visits with the social workers show, it is different story.

The main job of the social workers I accompany, is to update files; to check from time to time that the number of people in a household and their declared income in government records is  accurate, so the right calculations can be made to lift these families out of poverty. I see how families, who find the social worker at their doorstep unannounced, shake with fear;; how they over-dramatize their need; impress the urgency; how dire their situation is; tell long stories about how they got into debt, tragedy. None of this is asked for. They have, as citizens living below a certain income, earned the right to receive the cash transfer from the state. This policy is founded on the idea of human capital investment. Children, well-nourished because of the state’s support, who also get an education, could become the generation that would make the difference. It is a long-term view on fighting poverty, and to my mind – revolutionary.

The social workers, sometimes turn to me and ask questions like, ‘Flávio, did you see the TV? It’s brand new. I know the model and how much it costs. Now tell me, how do you think a family like that could afford this if they only earn what they say’? What I see them do then, is to note that a family is earning more than they say—200 not 100—because of which objects or furniture they see in the houses they visit.

The social workers are using the discretion they possess to do what they see as ‘correcting’ the programme’s database by changing the declared family income. They tweak the records, knowing well that it would result in less money for the family from the state the following month. They also ‘correct’ the other way if they see a person struggling. They make their own evaluations of the families concerned. Or they threaten families by exaggerating that there will be legal consequences if they lie. They exercise moral judgement. They frame the government’s policy as individualized, temporary, exceptional help from a very generous state and so they intervene. When we think of policymaking, we think of the top level and the rest is ‘just implementation’. What we see here is frontline workers shaping and making policy on the go.

Through my research on these frontline workers, I learn that they would very often allude to national politics to explain their decisions when using their discretionary power. They might justify what they are doing by saying, ‘this present government is too generous, too loose’. That connection between what they do in a very individualized, local way and the link to the distant Federal Government was very clear to me. The result: differentiated citizenship[1] – who does or doesn’t have access to their rights.

[1] Term coined by James Holston in the book “Insurgent Citizenship: Disjunctions of Democracy and Modernity in Brazil”.

At the border

At the border

Another example I use to explain my research came from a non-academic source. After the 2016 US election results are announced, I read in the news that there is a spike in the rejection of asylum-seeking claims on the border with Mexico. ‘That is weird,’ I think. ‘Trump has got elected but he’s not president yet. There are still a couple of months to go for his inauguration and maybe a few more before policy changes’. (Continues below)

But border agents, another example of frontline workers, are already using their discretion. They don’t think they need to pay attention to present procedures because these are going to change anyway in a couple of months. My hypothesis is that they feel authorized by the election results – ‘I’m collaborating and advancing something I know will happen’. And to extend that idea – ‘I am advancing the cause of democracy’. They are not necessarily radicalized or polarized. They think, ‘this is what the country wants,’ and they act on it.

Caught in the crossfire

Presently my focus is on questions like, what does it look like on the ground for frontline workers in a highly polarized society, where there is a distancing from the political centre to the extremes? Take professionals like schoolteachers. What is one going to teach? Human rights? Gender identity? In the Netherlands, which is often not considered a polarized society, there was talk of ‘neutral’ teaching in 2024, but we all know that political ideology is involved when it comes to schools. Picture  a highly multicultural society, with classrooms full of children from all kinds of backgrounds. If the political climate is opposed to promoting the celebration of different cultures and religions, and the focus instead is on one ‘national culture’, what will teachers do? Will they just ignore the fact that this is not representative of some children in the classroom? Just as with the agents at the U.S..- Mexico border, are teachers going to collaborate and advance the policy – think, ‘well that’s what people’s representatives want, so we’re just going to do it’, or are they going to resist?

In such a situation, teachers might be pushed to reflect on their professional code. What is our mission; what should we allow or not; what should be protected from politics and what doesn’t have to be? Social workers, teachers and the police have daily interactions with citizens. So, the more politicized a society is, the more their work environments will become a battleground for how they position themselves. At the same time, they have an ethos, one as a civil servant; a specific mission as a professional. Their response to a polarized context could be that they themselves are radicalized, but it can also be that they are looking for the best way to do their jobs. They could have superiors, family members, partners, friends who are themselves polarized – and they are responding to a context that is changing.

Meeting the challenge

I see how our partnership as social science researchers with associations and institutions  that are educating teachers, social workers or the police (like the Hogescholen in the Netherlands), could help them to respond to such polarized environments better. The ‘better’ way is not for us, academics, to decide but for them; to ask questions like: how do we protect ourselves; ensure that our mission remains intact; what does it mean to be a good teacher or a police officer in such a context? Does our core professional identity alter, or doesn’t it? Should we accept that it does fluctuate because in democracies, policies do change? I would like to design a course with teachers and trainers of such frontline workers to stimulate the latter to think about these questions, and to hopefully be able to find some answers themselves, while they are still in the preparation stage for their professions.

Win-win

Rarely, as a researcher is one able to hide one’s own political preferences. I don’t think we have to. I think it’s more productive to be honest about your position and opinions, not because you want to convince people about these, but because by having an open relationship, you allow for the articulation of others’ views and opinions. This is important, not only for the sake of research, but also because then, at a human level, you understand the rationale behind opposing positions. More often than not, we all have the same goals; we want things to improve—a better society—but we may differ about how this can be accomplished. Being open creates more empathy and this will also improve research results. A social scientist who patronizes and looks at other people’s positions as if they are naïve or ignorant, will not be effective in connecting to the rationale, the motivations that lie behind these. It’s not about looking from the perspective of them as unprepared or untrained, but about understanding where they are coming from. In this way, perhaps a social scientist can address the root problem that a policy maker or trainer of these frontline workers can use in a substantial way. To achieve this, one needs to avoid judgements like, ‘this is a racist police officer’ by individualizing and personalizing and instead, focus on the dynamics and structures that shape behavior that is deemed undesirable in policy implementation. I give my students a theoretical framework and they are aware they have to be prepared to work with people who don’t share their political views. Some people are affected by radically different stances, or if they are confronted with extreme poverty, for instance. When it comes to interacting with interlocutors with vastly different viewpoints, we should make efforts to understand the world of even the police officer who says, ‘I wish I could just kill that guy’. Such an understanding would open the doors for an anthropologist to help change the conditions that lead a person to think that way.

This story is written by Nandini Bedi, about the work of researcher Flávio Eiró de Oliveira .

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